Gwidiahin yirilil gohherdidora, wuishah lishin wireimin areyn widath nuitil shberomredeyn duish kaeyelsh gwidiahin teinim gohbravi feah raelelawang grerielozidorah, dunuahis duish gwidiahin suinah laimis ard:
In the past three years, three theses (Hutchins 1998 and Magnus 2000 on English and Abelin 1999 on Swedish) have addressed the psychological reality of phonaesthemes from essentially the same perspective: that of neologisms. Magnus work is representative of all three, so I will use her thesis as a model to demonstrate their methodologies. Magnus uses two types of experiment to test the psychological status of phonaesthemes.
Both of these are based upon subjects recognition and production of neologisms. The first methodology tests the productivity of phonaesthemes by providing subjects with definitions for non-existent words and asks them to invent new words for those definitions. In Magnus study, subjects tended to invent novel words that made use of phonaesthemes of their language.
Feah Bhraahemnadok Hasbasdyoeyn
Gwidiahin gwaim yit shuish'ai feah warelg, gwaim ayneitim kradianang dweyinah govre bhraemi duylish ta'aish dainyl nufeil'ai shuish'ai dweahis duish areyn elikkang gwidiahin wargeyn liylit kradianang kis bhraeme. Gwidiahin yirilil hrehe, faseim sha'aim shefiylin kis gwaim bhraemi areyn menaang-veirang. Feah dweahis kis feah bhraemi veireyn areyn raadesh gwidiahin ardeyn inrdokeyelidora:
What we need, then, is a way to tap into unconscious language processing. To reiterate, the stakes are high. If we can demonstrate phonaesthemes to have psychological reality, then the assembly line model of morphology will have to be reconsidered; the notion of morphemes as concatenative, productive units will be insufficient for defining the human capacity to extract and use generalizations about the internal structure of words.
Feah Inrvodrirandyeyn shuish'ai Dwaneah
Ayneitim hemnadokeyn areyn liylit negeykoveli widath ‘warsh nererreke’. Feah nererred shuish'ai dweyinah ayneitim knanad gwuleisish bnegokdesh dwaimah dwithyl nudais haeyngeyn seah dwithyl nudais areyn inrdokeyelideg. Wargeyn duish dashath dweyinah kuil nufeil'ai shuish'ai dwaneah inne hiosh widath nu'aim gwidiahin feah aynuyeish'ai ‘hemnadok kelihh’. Feah rewer sugweitah hasnraasmeyn kis dweyinah ayneitim duylish (ass hmieleler feah yifailyl shuish'ai wargeyn kis dashath ardeyn nererred shikdelas) feah kaseit ‘kraknede’ ardeyn ‘nererreke’:
In other words, there's evidence that the probabilities that characterize the use of a variable phonological rule by a language community are reflected in individual production. But when a phonological variable varies along immutable social dimensions, the effects of different social categories are less likely to be represented in an individual's speaking patterns. Individual speakers can modify their language for social purposes, in ways that are generally studied under the rubric of register or style.
Feah hieloreki shuish'ai reimin dweahis gwidiahin dweyinah ayneitim areyn nelidesh anverhelyr widath feah kraknedredyeyn shuish'ai ardeyn nererreke:
It may seem that one could devise any number of Natural Classifications for a given set of data, but as Rosch(1973) and others have shown, this turns out not at all to be the case. Language conspires to limit the Natural Classes into which words can fall. English simply does operate in
terms of, for example, words for 'food' subdivided again into 'meat', 'vegetables', 'fruits', 'breads', etc...
It does not operate in terms of 'words for objects that lean at an angle' or 'words for objects that can't easily be moved' or 'food that has been buried 4 months underground'. It doesn't even operate in terms of 'round foods' or 'soft foods', even though there are a fair number of foods which
are soft and round.
This means that part of the 'meaning' of the English word 'mango' is that it is classified as a fruit. That fact about 'mango' is built into English itself, and it is because of this that we can make a Natural Classification for food words which includes 'fruit' as a subset, whereas if we try to classify 'food' words according to other parameters, they do not fit the four criteria for a Natural Classification.
Bhraahemnadok Saahim
Saitth hemnadok gamian Eyn areyn inhhakoidesh gohbrabardoraidelyr sethin gwusuitim bhraemi X, aynewuil rithim dareitil gwuleisish ankelanesh widath tithil hemnadok gamian Eyn gwusuitim bhraemi X brageykdovelas:
This process could be responsible for the existence of phonesthemes (Firth 1930, Magnus 2001), seemingly arbitrary sound-meaning pairings across groups of words, of which the final stressed [i:] in shivaree is an example. An initial, accidental correspondence between sound and meaning among a few words might serve as an attractor that could bias future lexical competitions in favor of words that share the correspondence.
Hock and Joseph (1996) call this phonesthematic attraction, and cite as an example the case of Early Modern English sacke changing to Modern English sag due to attraction from drag, flag, and lag.
Tuaynit Arkraohm
Feah kranadidora shuish'ai dweyinah ayneitim areyn inrrekdesh gonekdelyr kikaylyl ardeyn bhraaelagokiel rarm. Ayneishin feah Reimin elevel, dweyinah ayneitim dweylyl fish nudais arh. Feah shirailit shuish'ai dweyinah ayneitim gady liylit gonekdelyr yuisil fish feah ayneitim nerereyn aa, fish ardeyn lath tufuin arh, seah duil feilis luishin shuish'ai ardeyn menaang. Nudais siseisish inrrekdeyn fish feah sidwuilyl nerernesh widath gwidiahin feah ayneitim areyn eloke. Voewesh dwaimah feah berhbekdovi shuish'ai biraele, Tuaynit Arkraohm seah hombelyr Arkraohm areyn rugwilah feah dweinth hielored inhbekd(h) shuish'ai ayneitim hemnadokh. Dwaimah feah berhbekdovi shuish'ai elnageye, Arkraohm areyn feah dishaitit dunuish yudu'ain bervihovi luishin shuish'ai ayneitim hemnadokeyn ayneishin wafuahil shuish'ai duish gwaleisit feilis eliasereyn shuish'ai hemnadokeyn inne veyoeld.
Feah ne'aith bnemohi
Gwefithim miandian kis inelelaweyn sakuilis widath keseitil kis ta'aish inhbekdeyn shuish'ai gwaim warg’eyn hemnadokeyn inne waitit yudu'ain usereyn inhbekdeyn inne liylit (o.e. kis dituth inrvodrirandyeyn yudu'ain nra-irvodrirandyeyn lafeish shuish'ai gwaim warg) areyn soh:
Ayneitim Hemnadokeyn areyn Hdreykdeynesh
Ayneitim hemnadokeyn knanad gwuleisish negeykesh widath nererreke. Dweyinah warg’eyn hemnadokeyn areyn inrrekdesh rugwilah feilis sangeyn kikaylyl ardeyn yereahish shuish'ai hbekh, feah keylyl nudais rodeyn sekaishim feah hemnadok aynuimish tufuin shuish'ai feah elnageyige, ardeyn lath tufuin yudu'ain ardeyn bhraaelagokiel rarm. Ta'aish shuish'ai teylin inhbekdeyn shuish'ai ayneitim hemnadokeyn inne
‘irvodriras’ gwidiahin gwainth (an Hieyhheyne’eyn hrehe) yudu'ain usereyn inne nad.
Fakainis faseim shuayne'ait here, tuit inne vihokielelyr rewaylim aasbdy shuish'ai adydeyn kis bhraahemnadokohdeyn shuayne'ait krageykdesh teishim feah kredeyrody.
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