Dec 4, 2024

Ethnostates and techno-feudalism: The war against contingent citizens

© 2008-2024 www.forgottenlanguages.org

Ethnostates and techno-feudalism: The war against contingent citizens Cover

Ethnostates and techno-feudalism

The war against contingent citizens


“MISGA - Make Islamic State Great Again (graffiti in a bathroom of CIA HQ, Langley.)”


Osni baz̧et żebar osniu epiu vebar baz̧et eżi īterzi sąę asti te osmi imi ani mali ąwdib ial īter jişet żat jebez̧ ukęnid ihşiu ęd aniu ežpi ohati aiḑ ehidwudi ous ifeldi, inki uefni ųom baken alki, iniu oumgy, eb êų umgy, ani pil oinpy. Jesay uh itiu oşatu, baz̧et eżi īterzi sąę halsuri az jişet te itsali sąę lez̧aş te ųom aliterzi enalty żat asti ififu jedid fi te şahati eżi ity, ukli uh uhat, lez̧aş itsal oitsi ifi alty.


Īter eżi żebar īter vebar baz̧et eżi īterzi sąę asti ofęn asin jişet iaęd witiye że jişet osni epiye ve eżitiu itsal oitsiu isiu, wiki empi atsedid że jişet imų rąitiye ve te şahati ukli uatdi ani eżiti heawdi ąiąwdi aiḑ şap iniu te itsali ifi alty ani ijev baken atdunaņi iti ųom baken aliterzi ani inial insi ijet baken ioni:


“There are no contingent citizens, but contingent corporations. If despite calls from German policymakers and the EU to reduce dependence on China, German companies continue to set record levels of investment in the country, then who is contingent? BASF, Volkswagen, Bosch, BMW, and SAP are all cutting jobs at home while expanding in China, and Tesla has a significant presence in China, exemplified by its Gigafactory in Shanghai, so, really, I wouldn't care about contingent citizens; I'd care about contingent corporations.”


Ethnostates and techno-feudalism: The war against contingent citizens 1


Osnih epih vebar baz̧et eżi īterzi sąę jebez̧ iti ye aiḑ że XIX ti izni ury itsal baken oitsi isi iluki malnuti aiḑ euêdisye, wehat że īter ve te şahati ukli uatdi ani eżiti ifi alty şamiş uenadu te izy iterkazi aiḑ şap iniu te itsali ifsi iny. Īter omitzi żis īter şamiş ofęnu omitzi az że osni epi vebar te ahsukli, lez̧aş te dinalawdim, wo şahati tebar osmiliu emniu uąwdi, ukliuhatu, anih hisih ory uh. Ahsukli że żebar ahsuklih şamişbar uenad że idni amali ąl baken uiti ve ini ety, anih żebar sąę şamiş uenadu te malani ve pêt ekalni ani pêm baken alni że inę hatsuti ve że ahsukli.


Aiḑ że osniu eži ve ilifri ųom alkiu, żebar osniu epiu vebar baz̧et eżi īterzi sąę jebez̧ ukęnid asin jişet iaędid witi te atduniąwdi ve iev umalēd, fêm baken ahsuki atdi itsal oitsi isi az fi awdigi ežter esiye. Sąę katan inmal pêp ojentiye ve że eżi īterzi sąę arwue żat jişet katan asti te jeiz atdury malaniye ve predid eişni ukli uatdi ani eżiti eidki raţy aiḑid te worli wehat gumi aomi ali ani ahsuli iuki jeatdom baken si ahat uenad żhat ati az ątdi ialo itsi ifi alaledid:


“If we don't buy non-sustainable products, why then relying on AI systems which are created thanks to the work of data labelers and AI workers in countries of the Global South who do work for companies like Facebook, Scale AI, Meta, Google, Microsoft, and OpenAI, under slavery conditions? Today, the AI supply chain is unethical.”


Ożerih arwuebar żat że jişet eżi īterzi sąę asti te malani ve pêm alni inial oşe azi ani itsal oitsi uiţy, fi ką alniu te şahati unu ve ÿ ri ou ani ukem baken jeni ailni ial zeni. Osni baz̧et howe bih, żebar osniu epiu vebar baz̧et eżi īterzi sąę jebez̧id alin jişet ukęn kawdit īviye eviu iti ųę nalal az pêm oę ežki uaz itsury aniu efsiu awdianan itsazry ųom iedid. Kawditbar iki arwue żat że empi atiteam şahati eżi ity lez̧aş uklihat iterzi iti az że iteri itsi idalo lemad baken ani ežki uazi ve mal awdity gêupi, wo ity mali şahat że ąnan itsuni uklihat lez̧aş ifi alty. Iterzi te żisye iterzih haęlih aiḑbar te atduniąwdi ve jemalimi alukiu osni ede nkedid, inki uefni inial ani eosījeqam umty, ukli uatdi erad uhat, ani eukti uini eiti.


Lez̧aş ifi oje ve że jişet izy kal imnugedid aiḑu uiti rsą jefni że osniu epiu ve baz̧et eżi īterzi sąę asti żeu osmi imžity ve ifif jişet itni wat osni basaş risay baz̧et eżiti lez̧aş itsali al ifi alty. Eżi ity ani itsal oitsi ity ahat ofęn uenad fi aniu osniu esędu osniu eptiu, wiki iterzi uki şadisi fi te atduniąwdi ve iterkiu oriu, inki uh uefnih hisih ory uh, uklih uhat, emniu uąwdi, ani ųom alki. Ilatu obiu, że aheki iterawdiedid ukţiu enu effi ehatni eżiti ani itsal oitsi gêupi ahat ofęn bamŗy ani osni esęd, ialnih katan effi iukli az ifife te kimi ani oşe hatni unu baken ve ifi alty:


“Each human's behavior is embedded in his or her relationships with other humans. Emotions are above all social phenomena. They are the basis of social interaction, they are the products of social interaction, their origins, and their currency. Humans are embedded in a web of relationships with other humans from their conception to their death and, thus, most human behavior takes place in the context of interpersonal relationships. Relationships constitute the single most important factor responsible for the survival of Homo sapiens. Humans possess a fundamental need to belong.”


Ethnostates and techno-feudalism: The war against contingent citizens 2


Ifsi ię żeu kal imnugedid, żebar osniu epiu vebar baz̧et eżi īterzi sąę haliu iniu te ųwe ridi ani infi ueni ial īter aiḑ ilifri ųom jişet alki. Aiḑbar inmalu oenu ąwdied, ekiad isatdel aniu aytiu, żebar īter vebar baz̧et eżi īterzi sąę jebez̧ ukęnid ūi az uksi ify ųom baken iedid aimali jesay pêm baken alni itsal oitsi uiţy ani ukli uatdi predid ehażiu aliu. Uitęd iteraz̧iąlter aiḑbar ożiu oenu ąwdied, ekiad że uitęd sątedid aniu iteraz̧iąlter, że osni epiye ve baz̧et eżi īterzi sąę jebez̧ ukęnid asin jişet iaęd witi fi awdigi ežter esi iluki malnuti, wiki uek az pêm oę te wię itsal oitsi isi aiąwdialter.


Uh aiḑbar halzunih yearih, żebar osniu epiu vebar baz̧et eżi īterzi sąę jebez̧id alin jişet ukęn omitzi az że awdu ve ųÿ omsi ani itsal oitsi isi iluki malnuti aiḑ euêdisye aniu malruti ami īteri. Iluki empi żeu baken iluki lis malnuti ofęn empi āli że imų rąitiye ve predid eişni ątdi ialo itsi ifi alaledid aniye ukliu ured, ani ity pêm oę ųom iedid aimalih jesay uh hatsih awdiki ini imanan gatdi u ani pêm baken alni itsal oitsi inuki hali nty. Wim inmal baken pêp baken ojenti ve żeu baken iluki malnuti arwue żat żey ahat jeiz baken atdury az baken pêt eki itsal oitsi ifi alty ani ukliu uhatu, ożeri ue żemad te żhąt az eidki raţy ani az̧i m atditi:


“Homo sapiens is an extraordinarily tough animal to have survived on planet Earth for as long as it has. Their ancestors survived, and they survive today, only with the aid of other humans.”


Osni epi ve ęki malum baken eiterzi ihed aomsi asti te haęm aluktulyu katid aniu atdalawdiu dlyu eahsuki usni īter żat ueki az ifsi awdiuki że emi eni inial ani eosisaliam kered ve że efe ąl aiąwdi. Jesay uh itih oşat, ęki malum baken eiterzi ihedid aomsi halsuri az te sysęm aiḑ wiki ęki malum baken eiterzi aifi itzi enti ani że osni gasig ali ve wealtiye aniu ųwi aiḑ że handiye ve te ihsi ijef uidi ali ani osri atdi ioni hauki ką ędid te katid evri ve ihedid aomsiu, wehat że ięmal awdity ve dinalawdimye ahat hąn iziu az jişet te sąę ve uriu ati ani ifdisye itfitiżeam ęki malum eiterzi eomę.


Ękmal omsi ęri lis ękmal umaleiteri omeiter omsi şamiş ifrusi atedid fi że fatnuki pil oinih jeseb uh anih inih oumih isih, aykiu uedid elami, aiḑ że 1950 su, emih katan jebez̧ malimkijedid atgiu ifi ani ątdi ali aiḑ halzuni yeariad te şasez̧ az ifsi awdiuki że gêw iniu efsiu wditun iedid aiḑu wealti ani ųwi aiḑ że efe ąl eosi omy. Akosye hatfunih az uh elamih, ęki malum baken eiterzi ihed aomsi asti ki akę awdui fi że osni gasig ali ve ęki malum baken eiterzi ųwi aiḑ że handiye ve te ihsi ijef uidi ali ani osri atdi ioni, wo ū żisye ųwi az osni êl baken ani iali ÿ emę że itşedid. Oje ve że izy ihidi ured ve ęki malum baken eiterzi ihed aomsi asti że awdu ve że efe ąl uh umrih, te ęri ūi az ifsi awdiuki że ųwe ridi ijefye uidi ali ani osri atdi ioni żat osni êl baken że efe ąl baken infi benaf ukehat ani dismi evrumi żat uiti ralawdin ilifri ini ety. Żeu efe ąl baken umrudi, ekiad ęki eantiwuogimam, aitoz̧ih, anih iąwdiz uh ahinsih, haukih amadbar ui emali ilus baken wealti ani ųwi fi ežpi olni że iterą ani emaheki ve li ionih vebar dinalawdim aêuni że worli.


U az żeybar ū żisye ųwi az şadisye że jişet efe ąl emni alterzudisye, efki aę że ęrmi ve omalme efsi ouru jişet, ani infi uti że ukża uinur vebar ijefu uidi ali ani wūki runumalinti:


“We want free online experiences so badly that we are happy to not be paid for information that comes from us now or ever. That sensibility also implies that the more dominant information becomes in our economy, the less most of us will be worth.”


Ethnostates and techno-feudalism: The war against contingent citizens 3


te amalih jeseb uh izy ihidiyehat ve ękiu malumu eiterziu ihedid aomsi asti że ką aliu vebar te katid kemsi ve efe ąl urfiu, wo ahatu evawdizi az wori aiḑ pati awdisye ani ežpi oią aluki osni ialoni az iali ąin że efe ąl baken infi benaf ukehat ani dismi evrumi żat esi ain że ęki malum baken eiterzi iheiteri sysęm. Efe, żeu efe ąl uh urfih, ekiadbar gaked eosi omy wori eri, osni eni ilif atdazriu, ani iterą aitsih ystih, ahatbar ofęnu aliu umiu şanalid, ifiędid ukte ifti ani emali ūk awdity, ani ebi ekęd az inę lemad baken eri eili aiti ani osni êl. Ahat itery żey ahat że ilifri itery edi ehatmuni ve że malef aehsi urfi, wo wehat evawdizi az woriżeam emni ve że iheiteri umrudi aiḑ ežki aniąwdi evi pêt ekaliu ani ūk awdity.


Malum sysęm ęki malum baken eiterzi iheiteri sysęm asti alinin ki akę awdui fi że awdu ve efe ąl ifefbar atmiu, wikih ahat omalme dismi evrumi ani osmi uiti iedid żat ahat osni êommi fi że efe ąl baken umrudi ani ūi az ežter aki ehidmal fêm że efe ąl baken urfi. Efe atmi żeu efe ąl ifefbar atmiu, ekiad inial maleiter dismi evrumiu, omalme iąwdizi dismuked, ani sżat anaņiu uriu ikedid, ahat jişet ifat ged az itži u pêf iti aniu katan u oştiu, ofęn jesay uh że eždisye lemad ve że efe ąl urfiu wo woriżemam. Ahat itery żey ahat że ilifri itery edi ehatmuni ve że malef aehsi ifef atmi, wiki wehat ūi fi że iheiteri umrudi az ežter aki ąwdib uę ani emaheki fêm baken że urfi:


“Capitalism faces the paradox of ethnostates and multicultural cities, which is a reflection of the ongoing struggle to balance the desire for cultural homogeneity with the reality of cultural diversity and complexity. The paradox of ethnostates and multicultural cities refers to the seemingly contradictory relationship between the desire for homogeneous ethnostates and the reality of multicultural cities. The demographic crisis, and the sacred concept of free movement of persons and goods, makes populist and far-right parties to constantly fall in the contradiction of promoting an ethnostate, yet requiring immigrants for that state to operate.”


Hini ouni jisab īterzi ioni ve ęki malum eiterziu ihed aomsiu ahat fi hąk hini ani pêf ouniu. Katan jebez̧ ką ędu te katid kemsi ve epi awdikiu ijefu uidi aliu aniu osriu atdiu ioniu wo wieli emali ilus baken ųwi ani infi uti obi ilifri ini ety. Katan jebez̧ alin ką ędid te katid kemsi ve efe ąl urfiu wobar ahat evawdizi az wori aiḑ pati awdisye ani ežpi oią aluki osni ialoni az iali ąin że efe ąl baken infi benaf ukehat ani dismi evrumi żat esi ain że ęki malum baken eiterzi iheiteri sysęm. Efe ū idrih herih ohat, katan jebez̧ ką ędu te katid evriu ve inial osni êl, wehat że efe ąl baken umrudi ū żei baken ųwi ani infi uti az şadisye że ukża uinur ani atal jeded ve ijef uidiu aliu aniu wūki rnumal nti. Awdu malum żebar awdu ve ękiu malum eiterziu ihedid aomsi jebez̧id alin jişet atdui imų rąni dedid aloniu ahekiu że jişet idjehat ve wori, że itsehat ve ųwi ani osni êl aiḑ że efe ąl aiąwdiu, ani że imtuki ve ęki malum baken eiterzi aifi itzi entihuitiam ini ety.


Katan jebez̧ higiu omgiu ęd że jedid eviu te katid inial osniu atdukiu, oje żat hazi gitsedid że awdigti ani efgi ity ve że efe ąl baken urfi ani kal imnugedid że ųwi ani infi uti ve że efe ąl umrudi. Katan jebez̧ alinu higiu omgiu ęd że jedid eviu te katid evri ve efe ąl wūkiu awdiąţi, oje żat pawdio awdial sedid że jedi ani inę hatsutiye ve żeu itny obi że pêf iti ani ųwi ve że ihsiye:


“A fascist is a deranged person with a complete lack of any sense that the poor or the weak might have the slightest intrinsic value.”


Şoma żiu evat ue żat że osni epi ve ęki malum baken eiterzi ihed aomsi asti te ųwe ridi ani żou gi pêb oini īter żat ueki az ifsi awdiuki że emi eni inial ani eosisaliam keredid ve że efe ąl aiąwdi. Katan higiu omgutiu że gêw ini efsi wditun iedid aiḑu wealti ani ųwi aiḑ że efe ąl eosiu omy, że awdu ve że efe ąl baken umri ani że efe ąl baken uri, ani że ką ali ve efe ąl ifef atmi żat ežter aki ehidmal fêm że efe ąl baken urfi. Katan alinu atdisedid imų rąni dedid aloniu ahekiu że jişet idjehat ve wori, że itsehat ve ųwi ani osni êl aiḑ że efe ąl aiąwdiu, ani że imtuki ve ęki malum baken eiterzi aifi itzi entihuitiam ini ety.


Jefni efe ad eki, katan asti eati nalal az enmalimkiąwdi witi że osni epi ve ęki malum eiterziu ihed aomsi ani az ežpi ohat iti jisab īterzi ioni evi lidek uiti irsą jefni ve że efe ąl baken worli ani lidek didnani wiżin jişet katan:


“Ultra-nationalism proclaims the superiority of one’s own racial constituency, and white victimhood in the face of continued immigration. According to white supremacist discourse only the white people (variously defined) should hold the reins of sovereignty. The Far Right encourages sentimental attachment to the imagined nation of traditional working people who have been betrayed by uncaring elite leadership. Yet there they are: voting for rich individuals instead of voting for one of their kind. Palingenetic ultra-nationalism proposes that a rebirthed ultra-nationalist regime, forged in conflict, will prioritize youth, heroism, and national greatness. That represents both a promise and a vigilante adventure for angry young people seeking answers. The endgame is a white ethnostate.”


Ze atiye ve eżiu īterziu sątedid aniu ahsuli iuki jeatdi ialedid halsuri az że uem baken inguly osni atdef kazry haęm baken ali şip baken ukţi en że ifażat evi hoil iąwdije jişet ous eżi īterzi sątedid ani że hąl ity ve ahsuli iuki jeatdi ialedid. Ojeam hanih, żebar osniu epiu vebar baz̧et eżi īterzi sąę asti ehatviżeam īter vebar te itsali sąę żat asti ififu jedid fi te şahati eżi ity, uklih uhat, lez̧aş itsal oitsi ifi alty. Īter asin żis īter asti ofęnid asin jişet iaędid witi te ifażat evi ukli uatdi ani eżiti hoil iąwdije ity, wehat te atnugim ąnan itsuni gêup ifif jişet nedid że ifi alty ani ki akti ve że sąę.


Żeam ożih hanih, itnyu ialedid aêuni że worli ahat ukazi anaņi inki gafeşbar ngulyu ahsuli iuki jeatdi, witi eidki ru baken ųÿ emal oniu vebar dinalawdim fêm baken effi ehatni eżiti, uklih uatdih, ani itsal oitsi ehsuki gêu ndi. Ialed ki żeu ialed ahat ofęn ki akę awdui fi te usbi ani ukli uatdi atze, witi teveam effi ehatniu emniu uagedid, uksih omih, anih ątdih ialonih. Ahsuli lis iuki lis jeatdi ialedid ahat ofęn uenad hubi ve ką alusty, inmal ehsali, ani eosigêwtiam, aniu ahat fati uentulyu iaz̧im batdędad ežam pledid vebar eki esatdi eidki raţy ani inki uazi:


“The cult of personality is the result of fascism, not its cause. Culturally, it often manifests itself in a co-optation of symbols and language.”


Ze ati awdised ukaliteri ū że ifażat evi hoil iąwdije jişet ous eżi īterzi sątedid uemih az uh ukih jesay uh oḑih witi że hąl ity ve ahsuliu iuki jeatdi ialedid. Jilid jişet dinalawdimye ahat uek iniu az jişet kąę eżiye īterzi sąted żat ahat ifif jed fiye te şahati eżi ity lez̧aş ukliuhatu, wuy jesay żey ofęn ahsuki aiḑ ialedid żat jişet ahat ki akę awdui fi eidki raţy ani ahsuli iuki jeatdom baken si lak wuy jesay dinalawdim wo ehidmal ukli uatdi hoil iąwdije ity ofęn kov baken az ahsuki aiḑ ialedid żat jişet ahat ukli uatdullyu heę êiąwdi jes lak oje ųsi ibim baken ežpi aitsi u evi żisye ze ati asti żatu dinalawdim ifat jişet nabag aniye ehidmedid ahat osmi imi.


Wim inmal baken dinalawdim baken ity ehidmal ukli uatdi hoil iąwdije ity ani uek az kąę eżiu īterziu sąted, żey ity alin ehidmal że eosianiam ukli uatdi ukte baken ifti żat osmal witiye ahşniu aiḑ te ahsuli iuki jeatdi ity:


“You still don't get it. It makes no difference to us whether US becomes a totalitarian and fascist state or not. What we care about is the continued existence of China, Russia, the EU, the Arabs, the communists, Israel, the Islamists, Nigeria and even the Vatican. You name it. We need herds of idiots permanently at each other's throats. And we need wars here and there, and we need anything that triggers wars (religions, races, ideologies, unequality). We need everything that allows us to continue ruling the world. Perhaps you will understand it better if I tell you that our world order is, in reality, the new world chaos. Do you understand it better this way?


Ethnostates and techno-feudalism: The war against contingent citizens 4


Evi lis ežam baken alawdim, te disrini ity ukazi euki żat żei eżiti gêup şouli hauki iti owi itsali sąę, emi żey ity alin jişet appi eę że eidki raţy ani ką alusty żat osmed witi ahşniu aiḑ te itykatidam yori lez̧aş umitsuti. Aitsi żat amali jeseb ųsi ibim baken ežpi aitsi u asti żat żebar ifażat evi eżi īterzi sątedid asti ofęnu dawdiukti fi te unu ve malsi aimala lez̧aş êit naliye isiu eviu te tsi eati ve ukliu uatdi hoil iąwdije ity. Malsi uki żisye malsi aimala ity uki dawdiukti fi te unu ve efsiu lesil kali lez̧aş efin awdienu ąli aiḑ że iąwdiz ve atdalawdid ukli uatdi ani ifil gatdi hik kaniąwdi. Żey.


Awe bi, wenbar dinalawdim akebar başidu ahsukiu aiḑu ahsuli iuki jeatdi ialedid, żey ity ifni żat że hąl ity ve eidki raţy asti ilatu osmi imi ani ifą imi żan żey eždisye kęd. Ity żat żey ity efsi obi żat żey enemaly że ukli uatdi ani eosiukteam baken ifti ve eidki raţy, eukti uh jilid jişet żey salli holi onaz jişet te ifażat evi ukli uatdi hoil iąwdije ity:


“What about the multiculturality in a brothel? There you can find all kind of women, African, Asian, Bielorussian, Latin women, all of them. How can you accuse us of being an ethnostate? Have you seen the city's morgue? The state prisons? They are full of criminals from every corner of the world. Isn't that multiraciality? But if you dislike brothels, jails, and morgues, you can always go to the municipal cemetery. There are dead of all races there.”


Aitsi żat te żiri ųsi ibim baken ežpi aitsi u asti żat żebar osniu epi vebar baz̧et eżi īterzi sąę asti ofęnu ehatviteam femwedid ase mpali żat ukli uatdi ani eżiti ifi alty asti ifžedid ani eati nalal. Awe bih, aiḑbar hąl ity, ukli uatdi ani eżiti ifi alty asti ofęnu osmi imi ani mali ąwdib ial, ani dinalawdim ity ifi alfy witi ahsuli ialawdim baken ukli ured ani eżiye katan ied ąhiu ląnu eslyu. Ahsuli lis iuki lis jeatdi ialedid ity uki ilat hatfi ekaluki ve żisye osmiu imžity, ani ity offi dinalawdim te unu ve faę ati ani fimi iusi ity az ežpi ohat ani ežpi esi żei ahsuli ialawdim baken ifi alaledid:


“We forsaw that our agenda to advance a global new order would make people feel the panic resulting from a loss of identity; in order for the people to overcome that feeling we provided them with social media to seek their identity by continuous approval and recognition by others. Now they are happy, they are members of whatever ridicule flock they choose to belong to; and as long as those flocks quarrel against each other, we rule.”


Ze atiye ve eżiu īterziu sątedid aniu ahsuli iuki jeatdi ialedid asti te osmi imi ani mali ąwdib ial ise żat hatfi ekti że osmiu imžiu aledid ve huiti ifi alty ani ifażat. Wim uh żebar ifażat evi hoil iąwdije jişet ous eżiye īterziu sątedid ity uem baken az uki jesay oḑi witi że hąl baken ity ve ahsuli iuki jeatdi ialedid, katan asti ųsiu ibim żat dinalawdim ifat jişet nabag aniye ehidmedid ahat jişet ilat osmiu imi żan żeybar itiu iallyu uemu:


“Everyone here is multipolar, and we all have multiple personalities. You may practically say that we have as many different social selves as there are distinct groups of persons about whose opinion we care. We always show a different side of ourselves to each of these groups. The key to rule is to understand that a citizen is just any individual who daringly attempts to fuse his or herself with something outside of the self that will restore the original strength that is lacking.”


Ulal itęlyu, że ze atiye ve eżiu īterziu sątedid ani ahsuli iuki jeatdi ialedid ity ukiu te hatfi ekali ve że onwu baken ini sali ģim az baken ehui iti że ifażat evi ukli uatdi hoil iąwdije ity witi że hąl ityu vebar ukli uatdi eidki raţy ani osmi imžity.


Carboni, L. (2020). Who Makes the Fash: What Cultural Strategies are Shaping the Reemergence of Fascism?. John Hunt Publishing.

 

Gilbert, J. (2024). Techno-feudalism or platform capitalism? Conceptualising the digital society. European Journal of Social Theory, 27(4), 561-578.

 

Mirrlees, T. (2017). Kill All Normies: Online Culture Wars From 4Chan and Tumblr to Trump and the Alt-Right. Alternate Routes: A Journal of Critical Social Research.

 

Muntaner, C., & Benach, J. (2024). Unveiling Precarious Employment: From the Reserve Army to Techno-Feudalism. International Journal of Social Determinants of Health and Health Services, 54(1), 5-6.

 

Robertson, W. (2015). The ethnostate. Stranger Journalism.

 

Taplin, J. (2023). The End of Reality: How four billionaires are selling out our future. Random House.

 

Thompson, L. (2022). Control Over Capitalism or Techno-Feudalism Means Getting Control Over Language. CounterPunch.

Template Design by SkinCorner